BUDDHIST
"PROTESTANTISM" IN POLAND
by Malgorzata Ablamowicz - Borri
Malgorzata
Ablamowicz - Borri (Buddhist) received a master's degree at Université de Paris
X. This article is an resumme of her thesis. She also presented this topic at
the UNESCO at the Tenth Congress of Buddhist Studies in Paris, July 18-21,
1991. Currently she lives in Santa Barbara, California.
I.
Phases of Assimilation of Buddhism in the Occident
I propose to divide the
assimilation of Buddhism in the Occident into three phases:
1.
The first phase was essentially intellectual; Buddhist texts were translated
and submitted to philosophical analysis.
In Poland, this phase appeared
after World War I when Poland gained independence. Under the leadership of Andrzej
Gawronski, Stanislaw Schayer, Stanislaw Stasiak, Arnold Kunst, Jan Jaworski and
others, the Polish tradition of Buddhist studies formed mainly in two study
centers, Lwow (now in Ukraine) and Warsaw. These scholars did not publish in
Polish, but in German, English, and French. The events of World War II led to
the end of this tradition. In the beginning of the war the Warsaw library and
university burned down, and Lwow was annexed by the Soviet Union. During the
war most of the Polish orientalists were killed and the others (Stasiak,
Regamey, Kunst) had to emigrate after the war to England, Switzerland and the
United States.
2.
In the second phase, philosophical analysis and translation of scriptures were
integrated by the Theosophist movement by which means Buddhism acquired a less
exotic character. Along a different paths of transmission a few Western
Buddhists became monks.
This process occurred in Poland
in the early seventies, within the Union of the Polish Brethren (the Methodist
Church). The hermeneutical explorations within this organization led many of
its members to Buddhism through other Oriental religions and philosophical
systems. It became a precursor of the development of the third phase, since
some of the early converts were the ones who later established larger
communities based on Buddhist teachings. 3. In the third phase, Western
interest in Buddhism has lost elitist features, and convert communities have
begun to develop on a scale of hundreds and thousands of members. In Poland, a
rapid growth of convert communities commenced in the late seventies and the
early eighties (the most massive influx of practitioners occurred after the
imposition of martial law in 1981). The social emergence of Buddhism in the
seventies was facilitated by contacts with Polish emigrantsconverts to
Buddhism. Those living in the United States and in Denmark were the most
important.
II.
Buddhist Societies in Poland
Urszula and Andrzej Urbanowicz
received The Three Pillars of Zen by P. Kapleau from their emigrant
friends who were disciples of Kapleau's master, Yasutani roshi. This book, which they afterwards partially translated,
inspired them to regularly practice zazen.
In 1974, they built, without any financial help from abroad, two small houses
to accomodate the participants of the first sesshin.
After the sesshin, they wrote about
the group and its practice to P.Kapleau. He visited them during his journey to
Europe in 1975, and a society organized under his aegis. It was legalized in
1980, and today it has one thousand regular practitioners.
One of the Kapleau's followers,
W.Czapnik, was deeply inspired by Tibetan Buddhism. A Polish emigrant in
Denmark gave him advice to write to Ole Nydahl, a disciple of the XVIth Karmapa
and the Danish representative of the Kagyu
school of Tibetan Buddhism. In 1976, he brought Karmapa's teachings to Poland.
Ole Nydahl's group--the Karma Kagyu
community--was legalized in 1984. It has two thousand regular followers, and
the Refuge (a formal engagment in practicing the Buddhist teachings) has been
transmitted to about twenty thousand Poles.
Later, W.Czapnik also invited a
Buddhist teacher of the Kwan Um Zen
(the Chogye tradition of the Korean
Buddhism). In 1978, a Polish group was founded in connection with the visit of
Seung Sahn Soen Sa Nim. His group was legalized in 1981. Today it also has two
thousand members (the only other Chogye
group in Europe is in Spain). The teachers of these three traditions regularly
visit Poland, and each of the groups has at its disposal one or more
independent practice centers.
In
1983 and later, further communities came into existence: Jodo-shin-shu and Rinzai Zen
schools in the Japanese tradition, Gelugpa
(Tib., dGe-lugs-pa) and Dzogchen (Tib., rDzogs-chen) schools in
the Tibetan tradition. Toni Packer, a former disciple of P.Kapleau, also
founded a meditative group; she, however, does not classify her group as a
Buddhist one.
III.
The Characteristics of Polish Buddhism
The following interpretation
does not exhaust all existing motives for being a Buddhist in Poland; I only
tried to give a general and simplified overview of the facts I collected in my
fieldwork. In my methodology I was inspired by the article "From Monastery
to Meditation Centre: Lay Meditation in Modern Sri Lanka." In this article
Sir Richard Gombrich is analysing "fundamentalism" and
"anticlericalism" as the "Protestant" secularizing
tendencies in the Buddhism of Sri Lanka. In the importance accorded to the lay
meditation and lay meditation centre, I found a parallel between Sri Lanka and
Poland. Strong secular or "Protestant" tendency of Poles demonstrates
as the lack of interest in the monastic vows, the absence of the Tibetan lama -
resident (Tib., bla-ma, the title of
teacher in Buddhism). A tension arises in the process of adaptation, naturally
strengthened by juxtaposition of the "orthodox" transplanted Buddhism
with the secular Western culture where the monastic standards of behavior are
not attractive.
Until the end of the Communist
rule, all adults were required to be employed with a registered enterprise; the
meditative lifestyle would be classified as "parasitism" and possibly
prosecuted. In order to remain true to the "orthodox" Buddhism, the
"Protestant" tendency is often called yogi's behavior. The non-monastic and modernizing shape that Polish
Buddhism took, results from specific social and economic circumstances in the
seventies and the eighties as well as, in the Karma Kagyu community case, the Protestant background of O. Nydahl
and the connection between Protestant and Buddhist communities.
Why was Buddhism, especially
Tibetan, succesful in Poland and not in other communist countries? The main
cause is the Polish identity crisis following the communist military
dictatorship in 1981. I established in my research that 67.6% of the Polish
converts were practising Catholics before taking the Refuge. It was no
coincidence that the most massive influx of people was to Buddhism, especially
Tibetan, whose mysticism is more similar to the Catholic faith than the more
abstract systems. Catholicism, the religion of 88% of Poles, constitutes not
only a religious but also a political power. Most of the Polish Buddhists
believe that the Communist government tolerated non-Catholic and non-Christian
religious groups in order to counter the influence of the Catholic Church.
The martial law, proclaimed in
1981, seriously hurt the credibility of the Catholic Church. Its political
defeat led to the loss of trust and the loss of faith. The Poles, especially
the young ones, began to seek a "reliable" faith. Buddhism was seen as a new
system of thought in Poland and as a religion unrelated to the current Polish
politics.
The third phase converts, unlike
the earlier ones, have been attracted more by the "pure" religion:
intensive practice of meditation, retreats, spiritual reorientation of the main
life goals, than by the Buddhist philosophy. The discarded identity has left
traces of the former faith in the new one. Some Polish Buddhists say that
Polish Buddhism has theistic features. The concept of devotion to the guru corresponds to one's abandoning to
God's will and protection in a situation of objective helplessness.
The success of Buddhism was
related to its efficacy in dealing with frustrated expectations and with suffering.
The most powerful method was visualisation; the action of visualizing in
meditation was supposed to bring the situation under the control of the
meditating person. Through visualisations of Buddhist gods or one's guru, "a closer [almost tangible]
presence of the god" and greater feeling of security could be achieved. I
documented a few cases of identifying Jesus with the Buddhist conception of the
bodhisattva or visualising Jesus in
the traditional Buddhist meditations. Another function was fulfilled by the
apotropaic ("magic") Buddhism: in the Tibetan tradition, for example,
one visualises being protected against police prosecution by Buddhist gods and
goddesses, or by vajra, a potent
Buddhist symbol of purity and indestructibility.
IV.
Karma Kagyu - a Case Study
Buddhism was introduced into
Tibet from India in the 8th century. Its doctrinal background was provided by
the Mahayana philosophical schools: Madhyamika and Yogacara. It is a form of the Indian Mahayana Buddhism combining monastic life with the esoteric
tradition of the Vajrayana.
The Kagyu school, founded in the 11th century by Marpa, is one of four
principal schools in Tibetan Buddhism. The Karma
Kagyu, a subdivision of the Kagyu
school, was established in the 12th century by the first Karmapa, Dusum Khyenpa
(Tib. Dus-gsum mKhyen-pa). At present, it is the most successful Buddhist
school in the Occident. Its spiritual practice is based on a highly developed
rituals containing a deep psychological significance. Among them, meditations
with visualisation of buddhas,
recitation of sacred syllables, mantras,
and prostrations or symbolic gestures, mudras,
are essential.
The founder of the Polish Karma Kagyu community was Wladyslaw
Czapnik (born 1920, died 1989 ), originally the president of the Union of the
Polish Brethren. When Buddhist teachers started to visit Poland (a few of them
were also invited by W. Czapnik) and local Buddhist centers emerged, W. Czapnik
affiliated the Karma Kagyu community
with the UPB in order to be able to meet and publish legally. UPB tolerated
this arrangement until the community was legalized in January 1984.
Ole Nydahl (born 1940) is
another person whose activity has been at the core of the Polish Karma Kagyu community. He is the master
of more than 70% of those followers who have a regular contact with the lamas
and he has transmitted the Refuge to about 70% followers of Tibetan Buddhism.
Nydahl is not a monk; in his teachings, he does not insist on ritual; instead,
the practical application of the Buddhist teachings become more emphasized.
Denmark, O. Nydahl's homeland, is a nominally Protestant country. Perhaps
Protestant tradition had an influence on the non-ritualistic and non-monastic
attitude of O. Nydahl.
The community bought a run-down
historical building in Kuchary (a village close to Plock in central Poland) in
1985 for little money. The two-story building measures 900 square meters (9,000
square feet) and is surrounded by a 7 hectare (17.5 acre) garden. After 7
years, the residents' work on its rehabilitation is almost finished. The main
resources came from the visiting Western Buddhists (mainly Germans, Finns, and
Danes in form of individual gifts and assistance by Western groups). Also
members temporarily working in the West brought back their earnings, and Polish
Buddhists had roofing contracts in Finland. The Karma Kagyu community has very limited resources. With only one
fledgling independent practice center the most important are not the
prospective monks, but those who actively contribute their labor ("the
moving meditation").
V.
Conclusion
The Polish centers were the only
ones in the former communist countries: they were attracting followers from
Hungary, the former German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet
Union to participate in teachings or initiations given by the Tibetan lamas or
other teachers. Poles have accompanied O.Nydahl during his visits to the East
European countries. A Polish monk, Rinchen (born 1958), is a teacher for the
Russian Karma Kagyu communities in
St. Petersburg and Moscow since 1990. They try to help Russian and other fellow
Buddhists by inviting them to Polish centers, extending to them free lodging
and meals, finding them work, or giving them money. Thus the Polish Buddhists
who were greatly helped by the Westerners now act in the same way towards the
other communities.